Assam, located in India’s northeastern frontier, has witnessed significant separatist movements due to a confluence of historical neglect, economic exploitation, cultural alienation, and demographic anxieties. The separatist movements in the region are the result of both systemic state failures and the complex socio-political dynamics, including ethnic and economic tensions. The state’s marginalization has deepened these issues, fostering a volatile political landscape.
The historical alienation of Assam can be traced back to its integration into British India through the Treaty of Yandabo in 1826, following the First Anglo-Burmese War. Assam’s incorporation marked the beginning of its transformation into a resource extraction hub, with significant exploitation of its natural wealth—primarily tea and oil—without a corresponding focus on socio-economic development. The colonial administration’s focus on maximizing profits from Assam’s natural resources left local communities marginalized, a pattern that persisted post-independence.
Post-1947, Assam’s proximity to East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) subjected it to demographic shifts, particularly from the influx of refugees fleeing partition violence. This migration, coupled with later waves from Bangladesh, laid the foundation for tensions between indigenous Assamese communities and migrants.
One of the most critical grievances fueling separatist sentiments in Assam is the threat to its demographic and cultural integrity. The demographic changes caused by migration from Bangladesh have been a significant catalyst. According to the 1951 Census, Assam’s population was around 6.5 million, but by the 1981 Census, it had risen to nearly 18.5 million, a growth rate that many Assamese found unsustainable and disruptive to their cultural identity.
The Assam Movement (1979-1985) was a direct response to these demographic anxieties. Led by the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), the movement demanded the identification, disenfranchisement, and deportation of illegal migrants, particularly those who entered after 1971. The Assam Accord of 1985, which was signed to resolve the movement, aimed to detect and expel migrants who entered after 1971. However, the implementation of this accord has been controversial, and the process of identifying illegal migrants has remained incomplete, contributing to continued dissatisfaction.
In 2019, the update of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) aimed to address the illegal migration issue but led to the exclusion of 1.9 million individuals, sparking widespread fears of statelessness. The NRC disproportionately affected Bengali-speaking Muslims and Hindus, further deepening ethnic tensions. According to the Assam NRC Coordinator, Prateek Hajela, about 19.06 million applicants were processed, of which 1.9 million were excluded, adding fuel to the separatist narrative of alienation.
Despite Assam’s vast natural wealth, it remains one of India’s poorest states. Assam contributes approximately 15% of India’s tea exports and holds substantial oil reserves, but the benefits of these industries have not been equitably distributed among the local population. The tea industry is controlled predominantly by non-Assamese business interests, while the indigenous communities, including the tea plantation workers, live in abysmal conditions. According to the Assam Tea Tribes Students’ Association (ATTSA), over 1.2 million workers, primarily from marginalized tribes, work in the tea estates but face low wages and poor living conditions.
Assam also produces over 15% of India’s crude oil and 10% of natural gas, but the economic benefits derived from this resource are largely externalized. Despite generating substantial revenue for the central government, the state only receives a small share of the oil royalties. The Assam Oil Company, which was privatized, further exacerbates local grievances, as the wealth generated by the oil industry does not translate into economic prosperity for the indigenous population.
Cultural and linguistic issues have been at the heart of Assamese nationalism. The Assamese language has often been threatened by the imposition of Hindi and the growing influence of Bengali-speaking migrants. According to the 2011 Census, Assamese is the mother tongue of approximately 48.38% of Assam’s population, while Bengali is spoken by about 28.92%. This linguistic diversity has led to tensions between Assamese speakers in the Brahmaputra Valley and Bengali speakers in the Barak Valley.
The Assam Official Language Act of 1960, which declared Assamese as the state’s official language, was met with opposition from Bengali-speaking communities, particularly in the Barak Valley. This opposition culminated in violent protests, deepening the ethnic divisions within the state. The Bodo community, one of Assam’s largest indigenous groups, has also sought greater autonomy and even a separate state, demanding the creation of Bodoland. The Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT) and the National Democratic Front of Bodoland (NDFB) have waged insurgencies since the 1980s, highlighting their exclusion from the broader Assamese identity.
The insurgency in Assam has been marked by the activities of groups like the United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), which was founded in 1979 to establish an independent Assam. At its peak in the 1990s, ULFA carried out high-profile attacks, including bombings, kidnappings, and ambushes targeting security forces and infrastructure. According to a report from the Times of India, the Indian government disclosed that ULFA-related violence has resulted in approximately 10,000 deaths over the years, including civilians, security personnel, and militants.
The Indian government’s response has been heavily militarized, with the imposition of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) in 1958. The Act grants sweeping powers to the military, including the ability to arrest without warrants and use force, including lethal force. Reports from organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have highlighted widespread human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and sexual violence by security forces. Amnesty’s reports from 2005 and 2013 emphasize the lack of accountability under AFSPA and call for legal reforms, while Human Rights Watch’s 2008 report documents similar abuses and advocates for the Act’s repeal. These heavy-handed tactics have only intensified resentment and bolstered the separatist cause.
Environmental degradation, particularly deforestation and dam construction, has exacerbated tensions in Assam. Assam has faced significant environmental challenges, losing approximately 324,000 hectares of tree cover between 2001 and 2023, a 12% decrease since 2000. The northeastern region, including Assam, accounted for 75% of India’s total tree cover loss over this period. In 2017, the government proposed an 11,000 MW hydropower project on the Siang River in Arunachal Pradesh, consolidating two planned dams. The project threatens to submerge over 300 villages of the Adi tribe, displacing thousands and disrupting livelihoods. These developments have sparked protests over the environmental and social consequences of such large-scale projects.
The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of 2019, which offers citizenship to non-Muslim migrants from Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, has been a source of significant contention in Assam. The CAA, seen by many as violating the Assam Accord of 1985, has been met with widespread protests. In Assam, where the anti-migrant sentiment is not limited to religion, the Act is viewed as a step toward legalizing the influx of Bengali Hindus, further marginalizing the indigenous Assamese population. According to the All Assam Students’ Union (AASU), the CAA contradicts the core principles of the Assam Accord, which promised to protect the state’s demographic and cultural identity.
The separatist movements in Assam cannot be understood as a simple reaction to insurgent propaganda; they are deeply embedded in the state’s socio-political fabric. The combination of historical grievances, economic marginalization, cultural fears, and demographic shifts has created a volatile environment. Indian government’s attempts to address some of these issues did not bear any fruits due to the lack of consistent implementation, and over-reliance on militarized solutions has only deepened the divide.
To resolve Assam’s issues, the Indian state must adopt a more comprehensive and empathetic approach, one that goes beyond top-down policies and engages with the indigenous communities to address their historical grievances, economic disparities, and cultural fears. Without these efforts, Assam’s separatist movements are likely to continue, further complicating the state’s integration into the broader Indian political and cultural landscape.
